Friday, September 4, 2009
Walled Horizons with Roger Waters
Saturday, August 22, 2009
Nablus, Jerusalem, and Hebron: Three old cities united by occupation
Although, the West Bank is under Israeli occupation, the measures used to enforce and maintain the occupation differ between locales. The differing impacts of these occupation measures became particularly apparent after placing my recent visits to the Old Cities in Nablus and Hebron in the West Bank in context with the current reality in the Old City of Jerusalem. In Arab and Palestinian culture, old city neighborhoods are comprised of grand rock archways and beautiful, historic architecture. Traditionally, old cities also are the center of commerce and the beating heart of the community.
Nablus has long been the commercial and business center in the northern West Bank and is thus a very important trade location for villagers from communities surrounding Nablus. However, during and after the 2nd Intifada, which began nearly ten years ago, Nablus was encircled by a series of six Israeli military checkpoints. The city was essentially under siege by the Israeli army with checkpoints controlling all vehicular and pedestrian travel to and from Nablus. Thus, it was very difficult if not impossible, depending on the current Israeli restriction regime, for the movement of goods and people in and out of the city.
Nablus' Old City was nearly lifeless during this period, and the dire economic impacts of the siege were tremendous. For example, according to the UN, municipal revenues from the vegetable market dropped by 90% from roughly $1.3 million in 2000 to $130,000 in 2005. Additionally, unemployment rose from 14.2% in 1997 to 60% in 2004. The Nabulsi soap industry, which was one of the major industries in Nablus, has been hit particularly hard. During a tour of the Touqan Soap Factory (see slideshow on right), the manager of the company revealed that of the 35 soap factories operating in Nablus prior to the 2nd Intifada, only two are still functioning. However, he also stated that the economic situation in Nablus has begun to improve during the past few months, largely as a result of Israel's lifting of movement restrictions at the checkpoints surrounding Nablus. During my visit to Nablus last week, the Old City felt alive and breathing after being suffocated for nearly a decade.
East Jerusalem, including the Old City, has been internally occupied and administered by the State of Israel since the implementation of Israeli law in 1967. The impact of the occupation was felt immediately in 1967 when the entire Moroccan (Mughrabi) Quarter, which was located near the Western Wall, was destroyed (all families were expelled) to increase the size of the Jewish Quarter. Since that time, settler organizations, such as Elad and Ateret Cohanim, with the support of the Israeli government, have continued to take over as much Palestinian property as possible (click on map above). In October 2008, settlers strengthened their religious presence in the Old City by opening the "Ohel Yitzhak" synagogue roughly 80 meters from Al-Haram Ash-Sharif, which is the third holiest site in Islam and is referred to as the Temple Mount by Jews. According to the Israel Construction and Housing Ministry, there are approximately 75 families and 600 yeshiva (religious) students currently living outside of the Jewish Quarter in the Old City. Plans are underway to build a new settlement (35 units) within the Muslim Quarter, which is home to roughly 22,000 Palestinians.
The signs of Jewish Israeli settlement are visible throughout the Old City, particularly in the Muslim Quarter. Dark brown wooden doors with large, black metal locks, in contrast to the metal doors of Palestinian owned homes, and Israeli flags flying from rooftops and balconies reveal the location of settler-occupied homes, synagogues, and yeshivas. The Old City also is under complete surveillance with an Israeli army and police presence on every major street corner and 'security' cameras located on nearly every road and alleyway.
The Old City of Hebron (southern West Bank), unlike those of Jerusalem and Nablus, is largely deserted. As a result of the Oslo Accords in the mid-1990s, Hebron was divided into H1 (Palestinian Authority controlled area) and H2 (Israeli controlled area; click on map above). The Old City of Hebron and the Ibrahimi Mosque/Tomb of the Patriarchs, which is sacred to both Muslims and Jews, are located within H2. Roughly 500 Jewish Israeli settlers, who are protected by 1,500 Israeli soldiers, live in four settlements within the Old City and of the 169 Palestinian families that lived in Old City prior to the 2nd Intifada only 10% remain. The presence of settlers has lead to strict security measures, including the closing of shops and creation of "buffer zones." Before September 2000, there were 1,610 Palestinian shops in and around the Old City; however, 650 of these shops were closed by military order and 700 others closed due to a reduction in business. Only 10% of the remaining shops are functional. Furthermore, eight out of ten of the adults remaining in city are unemployed and 75% of the population live below the poverty line.
The physical and atmospheric changes when entering the Old City near the settlement of Beit Hadassah are stunning. Within 20 meters of entering the Old City you go from an energized and vibrant market atmosphere to almost nothing but closed storefronts. Wire netting hangs above the street running next to the settlements to protect Palestinians from debris thrown by the settlers, including rocks, garbage, and feces (see slideshow). We visited a family living directly adjacent to the Avraham Avinu settlement and whose rooftop overlooks Al-Shuhada St., which used to be the main road in the Old City and is now completely closed off to Palestinian pedestrian and vehicular travel. During the 2nd Intifada, several settlers entered a room in the home through a window while the Palestinian owners were present, doused the room in gasoline, and proceeded to burn it down (see slideshow). The woman whose home we were visiting was pregnant at the time and had a miscarriage due to carbon monoxide poisoning from the fire. On a second occasion, she had a child die during birthing because she was not allowed to pass through a checkpoint to access a hospital. Many Palestinians, not just those in Hebron, share similar heart-wrenching stories, yet all Palestinians share a life under occupation.
If you have not had the opportunity, please read my blogs (4) from April 2008 where I share my previous experiences with both Palestinians and settlers in Hebron. I also have included a series of photos from the old cities of Nablus, Jerusalem, and Hebron in the slideshow on the right. Click on one photo, and you will have access to the complete album.
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
From Ramallah to Jerusalem: A bus ride through the occupation - Part III: Israeli Jewish settlement in Sheikh Jarrah
Near the end of my roughly one and a half hour commute from Ramallah to Jerusalem, I arrive at the Palestinian neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah in East Jerusalem (click on map above to enlarge). Sheikh Jarrah is home to numerous Foreign Consulates, hospitals, Palestinian homes, and an ever increasing Jewish settler population. The Sheikh Jarrah settlement scheme is one of the most contentious outside of the Old City, along with the settlement in the al-Bustan neighborhood in Silwan, and one of the most perilous when trying to resolve the question of Jerusalem.
This settlement scheme has become even more hazardous in recent weeks and days given the forced eviction of two Palestinian families from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah and the recent approval of settlement construction on the site of the Shepard Hotel. Last month the Jerusalem municipality approved a plan to construct 20 apartments plus a three-level underground parking lot on the site with construction slated to begin immediately. The hotel is owned by the family of the former Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Mohammad Amin al-Husseini; however, after Israel conquered East Jerusalem during the 1967 War, an Israeli government agency, the Custodian for Absentee Property, took control of the hotel and associated land. The land was then 'sold' by the Israeli government to US millionaire Irving Moscowitz in 1985, who is funding the current Shepard Hotel settlement plan.
Daily my bus goes past the Shepard Hotel, and I get dropped off on the road above the Shimon HaTzadik settlement. From here my closest route to PASSIA is directly through the settlement itself, comprised of 7-8 settler groups and roughly 40 settlers. The rock stairway down and through the settlement is marked by an Israeli security booth with armed guards. On my left while walking down the narrow stairway are homes now occupied by Jewish settlers and on my right are homes that have been lived in by Palestinian families since the 1950's. Midway down the stairway is a second manned security booth and a small playground for the children of the settlers and not the children of their Palestinian neighbors. There are gold plaques on the doors of the settler occupied homes commemorating there acquisition, and the stairway is strewn with Israeli flags commemorating Israel's sovereignty over all of Jerusalem.
After walking down the stairway I pass the supposed tomb of Shimon HaTzadik, the Second Temple High Priest. The settlers have transformed this area in core of Sheikh Jarrah into a Torah learning center and synagogue, which is bustling on Saturdays as the site of regular Shabbat prayer services. Directly across the street, used to lie the Sheikh Jarrah Protest Test, which was established following the eviction of the al-Kurd family from their home in November 2008. The tent was recently destroyed for the sixth time by Israeli authorities.
Before leaving Sheikh Jarrah and arriving at PASSIA in Wadi al-Joz, I pass the home of the Hanun family who along with the Ghawi family were forcibly expelled from their homes three days ago to make way for settler families who immediately occupied the homes. These expulsions resulted in the displacement of 53 people, including 19 children, and were the culmination of a long running legal battle between Jewish settler organizations and the Hanun and Ghawi families over ownership of the properties. The settler organizations claim the disputed land was purchased from local Arab owners in 1875 during Ottoman rule. Recently, the Israeli courts rejected an official letter issued from the Ottoman land registry archives in Ankara, Turkey stating that the archives have no record of the registration of any land in Sheikh Jarrah to a Jewish organization.
Regardless of Israeli domestic law, the evictions and settlement construction are illegal under international law. The fourth Geneva Convention explicitly states that "the Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies."
Perhaps most disconcerting about Jewish settlement within Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem, such as Sheikh Jarrah, is the tremendous danger they pose to the "peace process." These settlements interweave Jewish and Palestinian residents within the heart of traditionally Palestinian neighborhoods, making the partitioning of Jerusalem along the Clinton Parameters of 2000, which would see Palestinian areas become part of a Palestinian state and Israeli areas become part of the State of Israel, virtually impossible.
Transforming Jerusalem into the capital of two states for two people is absolutely necessary to resolve both the Palestinian- and Arab-Israeli Conflicts. Without a just solution to the question of Jerusalem peace will forever remain out of reach.
Please click on the photograph slideshow on the right, which contains a series of images of Sheikh Jarrah, including pre- and post-eviction. The photographs were provided by Jason Hicks and Natalie Van der Aa.
Thursday, July 16, 2009
Eau Claire County - The Tale of Two Jails
After arriving back in Eau Claire, WI this summer for a visit, I found the city embroiled in a debate over construction of a new jail downtown. Clearly, this is an important issue for Eau Claire residents and after familiarizing myself with the various perspectives and arguments regarding the jail I felt it necessary to place this debate in the context of my experiences in the Middle East and the political realities of the Palestinian-Israel Conflict.
While the $58 million price tag for building a jail downtown is one of the primary criticisms of the proposed jail project, we as Eau Claire County residents have spent nearly the same amount via United States aid to Israel over the past 40 years. Since 1949, the U.S. has provided Israel with over $160 billion (2009 dollars) in direct foreign assistance, and when calculated on a local level, Eau Claire County taxpayers have provided Israel with roughly $53 million in military and economic aid. Nearly 99% of this aid has come since Israel preemptively attacked Egyptian forces on the Sinai Peninsula to begin the Six-Day War in 1967 and occupied the Palestinian territories in the same year. Moreover, Israel has been the largest recipient of U.S. military aid in the world and will receive an additional $30 billion in military aid over the next ten years.
Citizens of Eau Claire County have contributed nearly enough tax payer dollars to Israel over the past 40 years to cover the cost of a much needed jail in Eau Claire, but ironically our money has been used to create virtual open air prisons in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In both of these occupied Palestinian territories, Israel controls the population registries, air space, and all border crossings for people and goods.
Within the West Bank, Israel has imposed an extensive closure regime of over 65 checkpoints and 550 roadblocks, severely limiting Palestinian freedom of movement and access to roughly 40% of the West Bank. Furthermore, Israel is constructing a 436 mile prison-like separation barrier between the West Bank and Israel with the vast majority of the planned and constructed route being built on Palestinian land. Under the pretext of security, Israel has imprisoned the Palestinian population in the West Bank – denying or severely restricting the access of Palestinian villages to their farmland, limiting access to essential medical facilities in Jerusalem, and severely inhibiting movement to work and schools.
Following Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip in 2007, Israel with Egyptian support resulting from Israeli and U.S. pressure has completely sealed the Palestinian territory off from the rest of the world. Since 1996, Gaza has been fully encompassed by a prison-like separation barrier similar to that in the West Bank with the exception of its coastline which is controlled by Israel. Restrictions imposed by the Israeli government for the past two years have made it virtually impossible for Palestinians in Gaza to leave the territory, and approximately 50% of those who have requested permission to seek medical treatment in Israel have been denied. Further, it is estimated that over 300 Gazans have died as a result of being denied access to necessary medical care. The Israeli siege on Gaza has made it impossible for Palestinians to rebuild their decimated infrastructure, and the extremely rigid restrictions on the transfer of material goods and humanitarian aid have crippled their capacity to engage in economic activities and have caused a poverty rate of over 50%.
Another criticism leveled against the downtown jail proposal is the potential demolition of neighborhood homes to make way for the new jail. While these concerns are legitimate, Israel’s policy of house demolitions in the occupied territories, including Jerusalem, has resulted in the demolition of over 18,000 Palestinian homes since 1967. Unlike in Eau Claire where most of the houses proposed for demolition are rental properties, the homes destroyed in Palestine are owned and lived in by families whose ancestors have lived in Palestine for hundreds if not thousands of years. Although most Palestinian houses are demolished for being built without a permit, the building permits themselves are nearly impossible for Palestinians to obtain. Furthermore, house demolitions conducted by an occupying power in occupied territory are clearly illegal under international law.
From my perspective, the ultimate reality of the proposed downtown jail is that opposition to the plan derives in a large part from the adages “not in my backyard” and “out of sight, out of mind.” The unfortunate reality of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict is not dissimilar. It is quite easy for U.S. citizens to fund the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories when the Conflict receives such little exposure in the mainstream media. Consequently, we don’t have a strong understanding of the on the ground realities in Palestine and Israel or see the destructive impacts of the occupation’s prison-like restrictions on the lives of Palestinians.
Wednesday, May 27, 2009
Israeli without the Middle East
Recently, several friends and I accompanied Dr. Mahdi Abdul Hadi, chairman of the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA), to the "Israel and the Middle East" Conference at Tel-Aviv University where he was scheduled to be a speaker. It was a two-day conference sponsored by a variety of Israeli and French academic institutions and was comprised of several sessions, including a forum on Israel and the Palestinians.
Dr. Mahdi was the last of three presenters, along with Alain Dieckhoff and Asher Susser, in the Israel and the Palestinians session and labeling the response of the audience to his speech as 'cool' would be an injustice. Literally every time Dr. Mahdi mentioned the words Nakba, which refers to the process of Palestinian dispossession before, during, and after the War of 1948, massacre, in reference to the recent War on Gaza, and apartheid, in regards to the closure and permit regime in the West Bank, the crowd irrupted in a frenzy of booing and heckling. The jeering became so overwhelming that at one point Dr. Mahdi directly addressed the audience and essentially stated, if you don't want to hear what a Palestinian has to say then don't invite a Palestinian to speak; however, the taunting continued throughout his twenty minute speech. At no point were the six or seven most raucous protesters asked to leave by the conference organizers or even asked to refrain from making remarks during his presentation.
The response of the audience to a Palestinian perspective of the conflict exemplifies the difficulty Israelis have in understanding and accepting the valid presence of a collective Palestinian narrative and further reiterates the difficulty in achieving a just solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict. Perhaps even more elucidating, five sessions at the Conference involved Israel and other countries in the Middle East (Israel and the Palestinians, Israel and the Lebanese Equation, Israel, Turkey, and the Persian Gulf, the Iranian Nuclear Question, and Israel, the Middle East and the United States under Obama), but of the 11 presenters at these sessions Dr. Mahdi was the only Arab speaker. This reinforces the reality of Israel's unilateral vision of the region and one of the major stumbling blocks towards achieving peace in the Middle East.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
Map of my bus route from Ramallah to Jerusalem
Monday, May 18, 2009
From Ramallah to Jerusalem: A bus ride through the occupation - Part II: The Jerusalem Light Rail Project
After passing through Qalandiya checkpoint and entering occupied Jerusalem, which is comprised of portions of the West Bank, or "unified" Jerusalem in Israeli lingo, I hop on a bus and pay five shekels for my remaining 30-45 minute ride to PASSIA. About 10 minutes into the ride I arrive in the Palestinian village of Shu'fat and witness one of the most visible and intrusive examples of Israelization of Jerusalem, the Jerusalem Light Rail - Mass Transit System (click on the Light Rail - Full System map above left for an enlarged version of the map).
Construction of the first phase of the light rail project began in April 2006, and upon completion (9 miles in total length) it will link the Israeli settlement of Pisgat Ze'ev with the West Jerusalem city center (see map above). Although, a segment of the light rail line lies within and on the green line (pre-1967 borders), which is represented by the dotted line on the map above, much of the rail line lies outside of the green line in Palestinian East Jerusalem, particularly along the main road linking the West Bank and the Old City in Jerusalem. These actions are clearly in violation of International Law (UN Security Council Resolution 465 of March 1, 1980), which states that "all measures taken by Israel to alter the physical character, the demographic composition, the institutional structure, or status of the Palestinian territories including Jerusalem, have no legal validity."
The rail construction in East Jerusalem has severely constricted traffic, cutting in half the amount of road available for vehicular travel (see photograph above). Therefore, nearly every morning and evening, when traffic between the West Bank and Jerusalem is heaviest, a bottleneck results and traffic becomes backed up for 15 minutes at the intersection of Shufat Road and Route 1 north of the Old City (see slideshow on right). The pot-holed roads throughout East Jerusalem are already in poor condition, as Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem receive less than 10% of the development budget for the Jerusalem Municipality while paying nearly 35% of the taxes levied by the municipality. As a result of the extremely limited funds available for Palestinian neighborhoods, there are 9,000 children not attending school and a shortage of 1,500 classrooms. Furthermore, 67% of Palestinian families in East Jerusalem are under the poverty line, compared to 23% of Israeli families in West Jerusalem.
Although, the Jerusalem Light Rail System was created under the guise of reducing congestion in Jerusalem and serving both Jewish settlements and certain Palestinian neighborhoods, the reality is much different. Neither the Palestinian Authority nor leaders from the Palestinian communities in Jerusalem were involved in the decision making process for the light rail project, although Palestinians are allegedly benefiting from the new transit system. Furthermore, given the widening cultural and social divide between Palestinians and Jewish Israelis in Jerusalem coupled with the $1.37 suggested fare for the light rail, which is nearly twice that of the Palestinian minibus transportation system, it is highly unlikely that significant numbers of Palestinians will use the light rail line.
In this context, the Israeli objectives of the Jerusalem Light Rail Project are clear and two-fold, link the the core of West Jerusalem with Hebrew University and the Israeli settlements in Greater Jerusalem, and most importantly create new, irreversible facts on the ground which solidify the ultimate goal of preserving Jerusalem as the "unified" and "eternal" capital of Israel.
Please click on the slideshow on the right, which contains a series of images of the Jerusalem Light Rail Project in East Jerusalem and Qalandiya checkpoint.
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
From Ramallah to Jerusalem: A bus ride through the occupation - Part I: Qalandiya checkpoint
Every morning I ride the bus from Ramallah to Jerusalem and every evening I return. This roughly 15 km commute between the de facto capital of Palestine, Ramallah, and the capital and sacred holy city in the hearts of Palestinians, Jerusalem, is a journey through the Palestinian reality of Israeli occupation. This commute should take only 30 minutes, but typically I arrive at the office of the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA) nearly two hours after I begin.
I live in Kafr 'Aqab a village just south of Ramallah in an apartment building on the main road between Ramallah and Qalandiya checkpoint. My work day begins by picking up a service taxi (multi-person taxi) to go to Qalandiya, and I typically arrive at the checkpoint 10 minutes after stepping out of my apartment building. After completing the quickest and easiest part of my journey to Jerusalem, I am forced to navigate through Qalandiya checkpoint, one of the best and most famous examples of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Jerusalem.
Until about a month ago, traveling through Qalandiya was relatively easy. Every morning, I would say to the taxi driver "an duk laws a macht" and then hop out of the taxi and get into a bus going to Jerusalem. Being an international I could go through Qalandiya on the bus and simply show my passport and VISA to the soldier who checks IDs and passports at the vehicle checkpoint (see slideshow to the right). Women with babies, school-aged children (depending on the mood of the particular soldier), men and women over 50, and those with medical conditions also were allowed to ride through the checkpoint on a bus.
However, in mid-March, the ride through policy was abruptly changed and all Palestinians and internationals were then required to walk through the checkpoint terminal. These changes occurred with absolutely no notice, explanation, or justification. No soldiers or police at Qalandiya either would or could tell anyone why the ride through policy had been halted. Now instead of it taking 15 minutes to load up the bus at the checkpoint and ride through, I often spend 45 minutes waiting in line and walking through checkpoint security, including four different turnstiles.
The walking terminal resembles a cross between an entrance to a concentration camp and a livestock corral, and the entire terminal is comprised of either concrete or metal. After entering a 'waiting area' where a sign eloquently states "please keep the terminal clean," I take my place at the end of one of three lines of people waiting to enter three corresponding metal corrals (picture above left) leading to a manned checkpoint station where you pass through a metal detector, have your bags x-rayed, and have your identification examined (picture above right). After spending 15-20 minutes waiting in line in the 'waiting area' and in the corral, I pass through a turnstile and line up behind another turnstile leading to the manned checkpoint station (see slideshow to the right). Each of these stations have on average 15 people waiting behind the turnstile.
It is in these lines that I have witnessed some of saddest and most humiliating and degrading scenes in my life. Often at the busiest times, when there are roughly 25 people waiting at each station, all sense of order and compassion for others breaks down. Everyone starts pushing and shoving to enter the turnstile with 2-3 people squeezing into each revolving space on the turnstile, which are designed to fit one person. These are men who are trying desperately to get to work on time, students in primary and secondary school and university who need to make it to class, women with children younger than six who are simply trying to make it through the chaos safely. I've seen teenagers getting in shouting matches with adults, I've seen fights (the police blow their whistles to break them up), I've seen children start crying after getting crushed between people shoving their way into the turnstile, I've seen women with babies get pushed out of the way, I've seen people forced to go to another station for no apparent reason after waiting in one line for 20 minutes.
Meanwhile, what are the Israeli soldiers and police who are monitoring the checkpoint with assault rifles doing to help? Literally, nothing. Their ambivalence and lack of concern towards Palestinians going through the checkpoint reveals much about the root of the conflict. This is particularly apparent when one tries to pass through the 2nd turnstile into the manned checkpoint station where your ID is checked by a soldier in a 'control room' behind bulletproof glass. The soldiers behind the glass control access to the station and electronically open and close the turnstile, allowing only three people in at a time. Often the soldiers wait 2 minutes, 4 minutes, 5 minutes, or however long they wish before opening the turnstile to allow people through, thus slowing the process tremendously and increasing the number of people in line.
When you look through the metal bars into their 'control room,' you see the soldiers eating food, laughing, and talking on their cell phones, completely unconcerned about the lives of the people behind the turnstile. On one occasion, when I was waiting to walk through the metal detector and have my passport checked, a Palestinian girl no more than 15 years old walked out of the interrogation room bawling followed by the checkpoint commander. While I was waiting for five minutes to pass through, he stood by her while she continued to cry in full view of all the people waiting in line behind me.
Incidents such as this and those described above are particularly disturbing because they are in sharp contrast to Arab-Palestinian culture. This culture, which is based on a tremendous respect for elders and a preferential treatment of women with children, fractures and is fundamentally debased as a result of checkpoints such as Qalandiya.
I will never forget the words of man at Qalandiya when after being stuck in a corral together for 15 minutes he turned to me and said, "Where is Obama now?"
I encourage you to click on the photograph slideshow on the right, which contains a series of images of Qalandiya that will give my description of the checkpoint a visual perspective. I have also provided a map (created by Imad Farrah) at the top of my blog that outlines my bus route from Ramallah to Jerusalem.
Friday, March 20, 2009
MSNBC news video - Report: Israel troops admit killing civilians
Visit msnbc.com for Breaking News, World News, and News about the Economy
The following fact sheet (live link), Palestinians in Gaza: Besieged and Attacked with US Weapons from the US Campaign to End the Occupation, details US military aid to Israel. It is critical that US citizens awaken to the reality that US weaponry, via $3 billion in military aid to Israel annually (the largest recipient of US foreign aid), was responsible for the killing of nearly 1,000 civilians during the War on Gaza and has been the mechanism for Israel's military occupation of the Palestinian territories for the past 40 years.
Is this how you want your tax dollars spend during an economic recession in the US?
Friday, February 20, 2009
Jerusalem Woman Gives Birth at Israeli Military Checkpoint
Below is the story of a recent incident at the Zayem military checkpoint, which is one of many Israeli checkpoints controlling Palestinian access to Jerusalem from the West Bank. The article originally appeared in Al-Quds (Jerusalem) newspaper in Arabic, but was translated into English with the help of Imad Farrah. In the last two paragraphs, I provide statistics detailing the impact of the Israeli closure and permit regime in the West Bank and Gaza on pregnant Palestinian women and their newborn children.
An innocent child who does not belong to any religion or political party was born at an Israeli military checkpoint in the West Bank, whose mother nearly had a miscarriage because of the slow process of passing through the Zayem checkpoint.
Mirvat Shweki (mother) holds a blue Israeli ID (resident of Jerusalem), instead of a green Israeli ID (resident of the West Bank). Although holders of blue IDs can travel between the West Bank and Jerusalem, it is illegal for Palestinians with Green IDs to travel into Jerusalem or Israel without “special” permission. Jerusalemites must travel through a checkpoint when entering into Jerusalem via the West Bank and often times suffer significant delays at the checkpoints, which result from long lines and extensive search and detention procedures.
Mrs. Shweki didn’t realize the third birth she was going to have would take place outside of a hospital. The birth was caused by delayed procedures of the Israeli Army at Zayem checkpoint, which makes this story particularly painful. She waited for two hours at this checkpoint which was going to cause a death for her child, but God was kind enough to allow the child to survive.
Interview with Mrs. Shweki– She said she was really scared for Ramez, her newborn son. Her husband is originally from Al-'Eizariya and has a West Bank ID (green), so the previous evening they went to visit his family. It ended up being too late to come back through the checkpoint, so they stayed the night in Al-'Eizariya. She felt labor pains around 8:00 AM and thought she was going to give birth, so she attempted to go to the hospital with her husband’s brother and sister which required passing through Zayem checkpoint.
The three of them have blue IDs and the car has Israeli license plates and was completely legal, therefore they should have relatively quick access to Jerusalem. Instead, they were forced to wait for two hours at the checkpoint because the female soldier simply took their IDs, in spite of Ms. Shweki telling her she was going to give birth. The soldier insisted she were lying and required a search of the vehicle.
While the soldiers were searching their car attempting and they were attempting to convince the soldiers to let them through the checkpoint, Mrs. Shweki’s water broke. Despite her physical pain and the fact he was going to give birth, the female solider insisted on searching her body. Mrs. Shweki’s sister-in-law helped her remove her clothes, and it was at this point the soldier understood she was going to give birth. Despite this realization the soldier continued to waste time and go through the checkpoint procedures slowly, as if nothing was happening. Mrs. Shweki was shouting in pain and fear and lost consciousness for a short period of time.
These moments were very long, stressful, and painful for Mrs. Shweki because she thought she was going to lose her child. She prayed for god to protect him and save his life. It does not matter if she has a green or blue ID, this is an emergency situation, so the soldiers should do everything they can to make sure she makes it to the hospital. These are basic human rights.
Mrs. Shweki eventually reached the Red Crescent Hospital, but only after she had given birth at the checkpoint. When they arrived at the hospital the umbilical cord was already cut, the embryo sack was in the car, and her blood pressure critically low. Mrs. Shweki’s newborn son was suffering from severe dry skin as a result of his mother’s water breaking at the checkpoint.
Mrs. Shweki’s husband couldn’t get access to Jerusalem for two days following the pregnancy because he has a green permit. He asked for a special permit to allow him temporary access to Jerusalem, however he was not granted one. The hospital immediately sent a letter to the checkpoint saying how urgent the situation was and that she needed a lot of blood, but the commander of the checkpoint refused to let him in that day. He was then allowed passage two days later.
Mrs. Shweki needed her husband next to her to talk with her and help her forget her pains and worries. She just wanted someone by her side.
Interview with Mrs. Shweki's husband – He asks everyone to help find a solution for the problems of human rights at checkpoints and the borders. His child is innocent and hadn’t even seen light, so he didn’t deserve to be treated like that. The newborn had no religion, political party, or ethic group.
Ali Abu Hilal (General Coordinator Jerusalem Center for Democracy and Human Rights) - Israel does not care about the lives of Palestinians. This is not the first time a woman who was in labor and travelling to the hospital has ended up giving birth at a checkpoint. Soldiers at this checkpoint in particular don’t care about the health issues of Palestinians. Many people have died because at this checkpoint because of their slow procedures. This is against all human rights regulations, and apparently Israel doesn’t care about human rights violations. Even Jerusalemites (blue ID) fall into this situation, and it is part of their racist policy that Israel differentiates between Israelis and Palestinians who hold the blue ID.
He urges all Israelis to care about this issue and for humanitarian organizations to observe these checkpoints, follow up on violations of human rights, and put pressure on Israel to halt these continually occurring abuses.
Unnamed Social Worker – Statistics indicate that from 2007-2009 there were three cases of women giving birth at Zayem checkpoint. The slow implementation of procedures by the Israeli Army and the fact that many individuals traveling through this checkpoint have green IDs instead of blue IDs contribute to these occurrences. Additionally, there are five cases where people died because they could not get through Zayem checkpoint to emergency medical facilities.
Since 2000, there have been at least 73 Palestinian women who have given birth at Israel checkpoints. Of these 36 women miscarried, and five died in childbirth (Palestinian Health Ministry, Annual Report for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights).
Further, an estimated 2,500 women per year give birth while attempting to reach a delivery facility. Food insecurity is also adversely affecting the health of women and children. According to the results of a study undertaken by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) in September 2006, 57.5 per cent of children aged between 6 and 36 months and 44.9 per cent of pregnant women in Gaza are anemic (Annual Report for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights).
Tuesday, February 3, 2009
CBS News video on 60 Minutes - Is Peace Out of Reach?
Watch CBS Videos Online
The Ultimate Irony: Hamas and the Israeli Politik
An updated version of an article I originally published in the January/February 2009 edition of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs entitled Reflections in a Mirror: Hamas and the Israeli Politik was recently made available online at the Palestine Chronicle. I have included a link to the article below.
In the article, I compare the platforms of the major Israeli political parties and Hamas. This comparison is important because the rational used by Israel for not negotiating with Hamas hinges on the fact that Hamas' charter calls for the elimination of Israel. I assert that both the platforms and the on the ground actions of the major Israeli political parties in the West Bank eliminate the possibility of a truly sovereign Palestinian state.
The Ultimate Irony: Hamas and the Israeli Politik
Sunday, January 25, 2009
"Final" Casualty Count and Damage in Gaza
PCHR Weekly Report: Nearly 1300 Palestinians killed in 3-week long Israeli assault
I also encourage everyone to take a look at the photos I have included as a slideshow on the right side of my blog (simply click on anyone of the photos in the slideshow and you will have access to the entire web album). The photos were taken during an Israeli phosphous bomb attack on a UN school in Gaza. International law prohibits the use of incendiary weapons (e.g. phosphorus bombs) against civilians or in civilian areas.
Thursday, January 22, 2009
Barack Obama in the eyes of Palestinians
For people around the world the inauguration of Barack Obama as president of the United States is a welcome change from a Bush administration that relied on military unilateralism to achieve its foreign policy aims. The implementation of “smart” power, a mix of diplomacy and military intervention, where dialogue is launched before missiles, opens the door for a new chapter in US and world history.
There is nowhere more in need of a change in US foreign policy than the Middle East. The War in Iraq has been a devastating blow to both the people of Iraq and the credibility of the United States and now the War on Gaza, in which over 1,300 Palestinians (400 children) were killed, and over 5,300 wounded (1,800 children), has focused the eyes of the world and the Palestinian people on Barack Obama. The question is how will he respond?
During my first month in Palestine, nearly all of my first encounters began with, “Where you from?” and I respond, “Amerika”, and they say “Bush bad!” or “Obama!”, which is accompanied by a huge smile and a thumbs up. Invariably, either phrase is followed by the other. While the contempt Palestinians have for George W. Bush and Condoleeza Rice is not surprising given the Bush administration’s consistent acquiescence to and support of Israel’s agenda, the amount of hope Palestinians have for Barack Obama is staggering.
The feeling on the street in Palestine is that Barack Obama and Palestinians have a shared history; he is a man who grew up as a middle class, black male, in a society where segregation was once legal and is now a de facto reality in the today’s urban communities. They hope Obama’s past will allow him to understand and empathize with the Palestinian people who live within an occupation that denies them basic human rights, and in the case of Gaza, denies them simply the right to live.
There is also a religious component to the Palestinian-Obama connection. Because Islam is an integral part of Palestinian society and a centerpiece of the Palestinian identity, their belief that Obama’s father was a Muslim (in actuality he was an atheist from a Muslim family) is an important thread connecting them with the new US president. Further, Barack Hussein Obama’s middle name clearly displays his Arab-Muslim lineage, which is very important in a Palestinian society where family heritage is a cultural foundation.
In Palestinian intellectual and political circles, the buzz surrounding the new Obama administration is more tempered, particularly given Obama’s appointments of Rahm Emanuel, a pro-Israel hardliner, as chief of staff, and Hillary Clinton, an ardent supporter of Israel, as Secretary of State. While, people are hopeful for a shift in US foreign policy they are not necessary optimistic that significant change is on the horizon. Much of this feeling comes from a series of Republican and Democratic administrations (from Ronald Reagan through George W. Bush) that have been unable to successfully mediate a resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, let alone understand or value the Palestinian narrative. Largely because of this history and the corresponding “special relationship” between the US and Israel, most believe the US administration will not enter the Middle East foray and make immediate policy changes, specifically in regards to the War on Gaza. The hope is that in the long-term, “smart” power will lead to honest and more even-handed mediation of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The hidden danger of the hope and optimism felt towards Barack Obama by the Palestinian populous is…….what will happen if there isn’t change? When people have nothing, they feel they have nothing to lose, which is the breeding ground for extremism and violence. Israel’s recent bombardment of Gaza, which went completely unchecked by the international community, has done much to sow seeds of hatred and radicalism and has placed even greater hope on the shoulders of President Obama. If a man Palestinians identify with and view as a last bastion of hope doesn’t save them, then where will they turn? In the end, let us all hope Obama is a man of actions, not just words.
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
Physicans for Human Rights - Guilty by Suspicion
Last Friday, myself and over 300 Israeli and international supporters of Physicians for Human Rights attempted to accompany a dispatch of medical supplies from Tel Aviv to the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza (three buses from Tel Aviv and additional buses from Jerusalem, Taybeh, and Beersheba). Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) then planned to hold a demonstration at Yad Mordechai, near the Kerem Shalom crossing, calling upon the government of Israel to cease fire, stop killing of civilians, stop targeting of medical teams and aid convoys, and stop preventing evacuation of the wounded.
However, the group's attempt to accompany the medical supplies and exercise their guaranteed right of freedom of speech in Israel was stopped shortly after our departure from Tel Aviv. Roughly 20 kilometers north of Erez Crossing into Gaza, at the southern edge of the Israeli city of Ashkelon, a large police force stopped the first three buses from Tel Aviv, took the drivers off the buses, locked the bus doors, confiscated the driving licenses and identify papers of all three drivers, and ordered them to turn around. The police threatened the drivers with legal action if they let anyone off the bus and did not turn immediately turn back to Tel Aviv.
One or two police vehicles accompanied each bus back to Tel Aviv, and the drivers' papers and licenses were not returned to them until after reaching Tel Aviv. However, The Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) leaders on my bus convinced our driver to stop at a gas station, so they could discuss the situation with our police escorts.
Following our arrival at the gas station, about five police vehicles and 15 police officers arrived, including one policeman who filmed all actions by PHR. During the ensuing 20 minute argument with police, officers claimed the buses had been stopped and diverted because they had "substantive reason to suspect the group of intention to carry out illegal action", despite the fact that PHR had expressed their intention to hold a peaceful vigil and had made previous contact with the police. We were then escorted back to Tel Aviv where PHR staged a peaceful demonstration at the Israeli Ministry for Defense.
Restriction of access and free speech because of ones "intent" sets a very dangerous precedent and clearly erodes the basic "foundations" of freedom and democracy in Israel, not only for Palestinians, but for any Israeli who questions the actions of their government.
In regards to the supply convoy, two trucks, bearing ICU beds, ICU equipment and supplies, medical equipment for operating rooms, and consumables, were allowed to unload at Kerem Shalom Crossing and all the supplies ($500,000) were sent to Gaza hospitals.
Saturday, January 17, 2009
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Suppression of "democracy" in Israel - Part III
In my previous blogs, I have shared some of my experiences in Jerusalem which challenge the commonly held perspective of universal democracy in Israel. Instead, liberal democracy exists only for Israelis and Palestinians are thus treated as second class citizens.
This week, the Central Elections Committee in the Knesset banned two Arab political parties (United Arab List-Ta'al and Balad) from running in the parliamentary elections on February 10th. These actions further eludicate the true reality of Palestinians in Israel and Jerusalem, who are denied a suite of fundamental rights afforded other Israelis, including that of political expression and association. The article below (live link), which I highly recommend reading, briefly describes this situation in the Knesset.
Israel bans Arab parties from participating in upcoming elections (Haaretz)
Sunday, January 11, 2009
Contact President-elect Obama and your congressmen and women about the War on Gaza
House Resolution 34 (Vote: 340-5) - http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=hr111-34
Senate Resolution 10 (Vote: Unanimously approved)
For those of you in Wisconsin, Senators Herb Kohl and Russ Feingold both voted for Senate Resolution 10 and Representatives Ron Kind and David Obey voted for House Resolution 34. However, Congresswoman Gwen Moore from Milwaukee was one of only five individuals in the House of Representatives that voted against the resolution.
If you believe that the US response to Israel's attacks on Gaza has been unbalanced and has ignored the plight of the people of Gaza, who are suffering immeasurably as a result of Israel's 18 month collective siege on Gaza and 15 days of continual Israeli bombardment, I strongly urge you to contact President-elect Obama and your representatives and senators via e-mail and/or phone to voice your concerns.
I have included below three websites where you can easily access the e-mail and phone numbers of President-elect Obama and your congressmen and women.
Obama Transition Team - http://change.gov/page/content/contact/
U.S. Senate - http://www.senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm
U.S. House of Representatives - https://writerep.house.gov/writerep/welcome.shtml
If you are interested in a template e-mail, please let me know, and I will provide it for you. Thank you.
Suppression of "democracy" in Israel - Part II
FREEDOM OF RELIGION
In a previous blog, Suppression of “democracy” in Israel – Part I, I discuss one example of the severe restrictions on Palestinian freedom of speech and assembly I have observed in Israel and Palestine. Ironically, a few days after witnessing the forceful dispersion of that peace demonstration, I watched Yuval Steinitz, an Israeli Knesset member, espouse on Al-Jazeera the merits of democracy in Israel and the ability of all people to openly express their disagreements with the government. His statement is in complete contradiction with what I have personally observed at several demonstrations in East Jerusalem.
Unfortunately, two days ago in Old City of Jerusalem, I witnessed the complete corruption of freedom of religion in the “democratic” Israel. Every Friday, thousands of Muslims from East Jerusalem come to the Temple Mount (Haram ash-Sharif) in the Old City, the third holiest site in Islam, to pray. Typically, this holy day is a colorful and joyous occasion in the Old City, but last Friday, it was quite the opposite.
The police presence in East Jerusalem and the Old City was staggering. There were literally five to seven different sets of police checkpoints people had to pass through before they could enter the Temple Mount. At each checkpoint everyone had to show his or her ID or passport to pass with the police were generally restricting access to the Temple Mount to those older than 50. However, at which checkpoint Palestinians were denied entry, was arbitrary. Literally at every checkpoint, I saw Palestinians being harassed, often physically, and denied entrance to the next “stage.” As I got closer to the Temple Mount, every road or alley directly accessing it contained a physical checkpoint to severely restrict access. It was at these locations where tensions between police and worshipers were incredibly high.
About 100m from the Temple Mount on Bab Hutta Rd., I had my most difficult and eye-opening experience thus far in Palestine and Israel. Here there were five-six Israeli policemen checking IDs and blocking access to the Temple Mount. After about 15 minutes, roughly 20-25 men were backed up behind the police and the total continued to grow. Finally, the call to prayer came and because these men could not pass this checkpoint they had to pray on the street at the feet of the soldiers who were denying them access to the Temple Mount.
At this point, an altercation erupted between a couple of policemen and a roughly 50 year old man after he was denied passage. The man then sat at the front of the group of praying men and began praying himself. Immediately, the police grabbed him, lifted him off the ground, and pushed him back into the crowd and into those who were still praying.
A huge melee broke out between those attempting to pray and the police, who began driving the Palestinians up the narrow (10 ft.) Bab Hutta Rd. The police then threw a percussion grenade into the crowd, which increased their panic level. Meanwhile, I was attempting to take photographs/video and a young Palestinian approached, yelling at me to stop taking pictures and leave, shoving me in the opposite direction of the confrontation. Palestinians are very, very weary to have their pictures taken in these types of situations, including at protests and demonstrations, because of Israeli reprisal, which can result in imprisonment (> 11,000 Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli jails) and death. As I walked up Bab Hutta Rd. towards Herod’s gate, awestruck by the previous events, several Israeli soldiers were running in the opposite direction towards the confrontation.
To clear my mind, I went for a walk in the Christian quarter of the Old City (comprised of the Muslim, Christian, Armenian, and Jewish quarters; see the map at the top of the blog), where the church of the Holy Sepulcher is located. However, instead of clarity, sadness arose. The Christian quarter was filled with tourists and their guides exploring the historical sites connected with Jesus’ crucifixion, completely oblivious to the humiliation and persecution of Muslims occurring literally 200 meters away. These pilgrims, mostly from the United States and Europe, are generally oblivious to the fact that their governments are funding this religious oppression. The world conscious needs to awaken to this reality and the impacts of the Israeli occupation of Palestine, which includes the suppression of basic rights, such as the freedoms of speech and religion, which we take for granted in the United States.
It is important to note that it is illegal for Palestinians from the West Bank to travel to Jerusalem. Therefore millions of Muslims who live in the West Bank and are not permanent residents of Israel cannot at anytime visit or pray at the Temple Mount, a place they consider sacred.
Monday, January 5, 2009
The Humanitarian Crisis in Gaza: Past, Present, and Future
The Israeli government declared the entire Gaza Strip “a hostile entity” on September 19th 2007, citing the threats posed by a Hamas rule, who were democratically elected in the 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, and continued Palestinian rocket attacks. Israel’s goal in using the terminology “hostile entity” was to reduce their responsibility for the safety and well being of Gaza’s civilian population, though the United Nations (UN) and others in the international community promptly rejected this assertion. Yet additional restrictions on Gaza followed, including the complete closure of all border crossings, de facto sealing the strip from the rest of the world, disruption of power supplies and fuel shipments, increased monitoring of funds, a cessation of visits to political prisoners, and the allowing of only essential food and medicine to be brought into Gaza.
Because Israel retains control of all land borders, air space, and sea access and consequently the supply all goods and services to the Gaza Strip, it is under occupation according to international law. Further, international law clearly forbids the targeting of civilians. “Collective punishment” – enacting punitive measures against a population because of the actions of a few – is expressly forbidden by international law and also is prohibited by Israel’s own laws. Moreover, the “general welfare” of the civilian population is the responsibility of the occupying power. In both cases, Israel has abandoned and ignored their obligations.
Humanitarian Impacts of the Siege on Gaza
Food & Nutrition
- Over 80% of Gazans now rely on humanitarian assistance from international sources, with over 1.1 million people getting their daily nourishment from food aid (total population of Gaza – 1.5 million)
- 50% of Gaza households are short of fresh drinking water
- 50% of the children of Gaza are malnourished, 32% are suffering 2nd degree malnourishment, and 16% 3rd degree malnutrition
- 10.7% of the children in Gaza under five are suffering stunted growth due to chronic malnutrition
Health & Sanitation
- Entire hospitals are left without electricity for 8-12 hours per day
- 25-30% of Gazans have no running water
- 40-50 million liters of sewage flow untreated into the sea each day
- Gaza lacks the tools and cement to make any significant repairs to its infrastructure
- From December 2006-December 2007, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported that 20 patients, including 5 children, died because they were not allowed to cross the border into Israel in order to receive medical treatment
- In December 2007, over one-third of patients who applied a temporary permit to leave the Strip were denied
- In January 2008, 19% of necessary medicines and 31% of vital medical equipment were lacking in Gaza and many departments in emergency medical centers and ambulances have ceased operation due to lack of fuel
Education
- The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) reported in late 2007 that nearly 80% of children in grades four through nine failed to pass their classes
- Over 2,000 children dropped out of school during the 2007 academic year
- In September 2007, UNRWA reported that 30% of their students were without textbooks, which the Israeli army prevented from entering Gaza
As a result of 11 consecutive days of Israeli shelling, the humanitarian conditions in Gaza have deteriorated sharply. Not only is the amount of aid crossing into Gaza insufficient to sustain the population, the fighting inside Gaza has made it extremelty difficult to distribute the resources that are available. According to UN humanitarian coordinator Max Gaylard, "Large numbers of people, including many children, are hungry, they are cold and without ready access to medical facilities, without access to electricity and running water, above all they are terrified - that by any measure is a humanitarian crisis."
Currently, over one million people are without electricity and hospitals are running on emergency generators. Five of UNRWA's medical clinics have closed because of the fighting and a number of emergency workers have died while trying to reach the wounded.
Seventy percent of Gazans are without water and face dire food shortages with only enough supplies for the next 48 hours. According to the UN, 23 of Gaza's 47 bakeries have been forced to close due to shortages of cooking gas, and another 14 are operating sporadically.
Sewage is flowing into populated areas, farmland and the sea, as five of Gaza's 37 wastewater pumping stations have shut down because of power cuts.
To prevent an even further deterioration of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, it is imperative that Israel immediately accept a cease-fire agreement and indefinitely open all border crossings to allow for the transfer of humanitarian aid into Gaza.